How long will it take for the European ‘crisis’ to be re-framed as the new norm, and what are the potential consequences of that shift?
Transition, not crisis
When things go wrong, we generally tend to speak of crisis. Yet, the term ‘crisis’ refers to the ‘exceptional’, to a harmful turmoil that will sooner or later diminish to a parenthesis before returning to normality. Well, this is not the case anymore. The reality we live in is not a human rights crisis. It is a new era. It is a transition: nowhere as visible as in the collective condition of vulnerability that saturates global politics from Sub-Saharan Africa and South America to the Far and Middle East, Europe and Central Asia. Seeing the juncture as a transition, as a chain of causes and consequences, implies that we should conceptualise the ‘crisis’ as a meaningful movement away from and not toward democracy.
It was a brazen attack. Some 60 gunmen linked to the brutal Zetas cartel descended on a quiet cluster of towns just south of the Mexican border in the spring of 2011 and launched a door-to-door extermination campaign that went on for weeks, leaving an untold number of people dead or missing. Yet in the five years since the slaughter in the northern Mexican state of Coahuila, the Mexican government has failed to fully investigate, much less address the needs of the victims and their families, according to a preliminary report released today by a panel of scholars and human rights investigators.
Authorities in Guinea should take concrete and immediate steps to ensure justice for the victims and the families of those who were shot, raped, or beaten to death during the 2015 presidential election period, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch said today in a joint letter to President Alpha Condé.
Guinea’s authorities should ensure that members of the security forces and mobs linked to both the ruling party and opposition groups are held accountable for the killing of 12 people, several rapes, and the looting of several markets in Conakry, the capital, during the election period. To date, no one has been brought to justice in relation to these crimes.
Whenever protesters choose to block a road familiar arguments surface. Won’t it alienate people? Why don’t they obstruct a police station, or parliament? Why make this a problem for everyday people? These arguments dominated comment threads after Black Lives Matter brought traffic to a halt near Heathrow airport in August, and they’re not meritless – people debate them every time a blockade is considered. Here are four reasons they decide to do it anyway:
A Florida appeals court yesterday denied permission for an elderly British businessman to appeal his life sentence.
On Thursday, the Florida Court of Appeals blocked a challenge to the conviction of 77 year old British national Kris Maharaj, who has spent nearly three decades in prison, with 16 of those years on death row, for a double murder he did not commit.
The court declined to write an opinion as to why Mr Maharaj should be denied a new trial, and refused to refer the case to the full court for review.
As the door finally opens for war criminals to face justice in El Salvador, the law can start serving the country’s poor.
Following almost two decades of courageous activism from human rights defenders, on 13 July 2016 El Salvador’s highest court declared the General Amnesty Law unconstitutional, opening the door for war criminals to finally face justice.
El Salvador’s civil war, which pitched an authoritarian government against left leaning guerrilla groups, began in 1979 and raged for more than 12 years. By January 1992, when the peace accords were signed, the conflict had claimed 75,000 lives and an estimated 7,000 persons had disappeared.