Turkey (OpenDemocracy) – In post-referendum Turkey, it is not just Erdoğan and his supporters but the opposition as well who refuse to recognize their adversaries as legitimate – an explosive formula. The most significant result of the April 16 referendum in…
Turkey plans a referendum by next May on constitutional changes that would expand the powers of the president and will then hold presidential and parliamentary polls together in 2019, a deputy prime minister said on Friday.
Nurettin Canikli told A Haber TV in an interview that the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) would submit its proposal on the constitutional changes to parliament on Friday and that the nationalist MHP opposition would support the bill.
“The referendum looks like it could be held around March or April, but it could also be pushed to May,” he said, ruling out any early election before 2019, Reuters reported.
In a shock result, Colombians rejected a peace accord to end five decades of conflict. Does that mean a return to violence? Or can progressive forces build upon the innovations of the peace process? Tatiana Garavito takes stock.
The chief negotiator had been clear. If voters did not ratify the peace accord between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the government, then the country would be left staring into an ‘abyss’. There was no Plan B.
And on the night of 2 October it looked as if that abyss had opened up as the ‘no’ vote won by the narrowest of margins – 50.2 to 49.8 per cent.
The semi-autonomous region called Republika Sprska within the functionally weak nation-state Bosnia-Herzegovina held a seemingly innocuous referendum on September 25, 2016. The referendum was on whether to celebrate a national day on January 9, the date when the Republika Sprska declared itself independent in 1992. For most other countries’ context, this would be so benign of an affair that such an issue would not need a referendum. However, in Republika Srpska the national day celebration is a much more complex affair with deep underpinnings of societal division.
As Viktor Orbán’s Hungary faces its 2 October referendum on European migrant quotas, diverse opinion is being silenced through partisan cultural funding.
The English-speaking press has paid relatively little attention to the changing cultural and artistic landscape under Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán. Yet its potential repercussions are profound for both the European public and those who might like to follow in the footsteps of Péter Esterházy, the world famous Hungarian author and vocal critic of Orbán who died in July.